Hindu-Muslim conflicts are not new in coastal Karnataka’s Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts. Communal riots, “moral policing” incidents, attacks on pubs and homestays, and attacks on churches by Hindutva activists have intensified in the past three decades. So did the progressive pushback against Hindutva. Recent developments however, signal an important shift in the progressive discourse against communalism which could have far-reaching consequences for the region. 

Since the mid-2000s, progressive movements have thrown an open ideological challenge to Hindutva. Organisations like the Komu Souharda Vedike, Anti-Atrocities Forum, People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Citizens’ Forum, the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) and Janawadi Mahila Sanghatane, took to the streets to protest against Hindutva violence. 

At the time, the Karnataka Forum for Dignity (KFD) — the predecessor of the now banned Popular Front of India (PFI) — and the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind were also part of the Komu Souharda Vedike, a state-wide coalition of anti-communal organisations. Even though some of these organisations did not see eye to eye, incidents of major Hindutva violence saw massive protests.

After the PFI launched its political party, the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI) in 2009, the SDPI-PFI began fighting Hindutva politics separately from the Komu Souharda Vedike. Some progressive and CPI(M)-affiliated groups were unwilling to align with PFI and SDPI, their stance being that all forms of communalism should be opposed. 

Today, only the DYFI still remains actively involved in the struggle against Hindutva politics in coastal Karnataka. Organisations such as the Komu Souharda Vedike and PUCL have largely withdrawn from street protests in the past five years, and have shifted their focus to advocacy through fact-finding reports.

Even though these organisations differed on how best to tackle communalism, the subject was never talked about openly. Instead, the question was discussed internally within these organisations. The primary goal of all these groups was to oppose Hindutva politics, and as a result, the communists chose to distance themselves from the SDPI without engaging in open conflict.

But in the recent past, the communal discourse on Karnataka's coast has shifted from a policy of avoiding conflict. The communists have started a movement against the SDPI, similar to their open confrontation against Hindu communalism. The result? An open clash between the communists of coastal Karnataka and SDPI has erupted, both on the streets and on social media.

Communists vs SDPI

On August 5, 2024, the street vendors' association of Dakshina Kannada — affiliated to the CPI(M)’s labour wing CITU — organised a massive protest against the Mangalore City Corporation's “Operation Tiger” which aimed to evict street vendors. During the protest, the SDPI's labour wing too turned up, flag aloft. Noticing this, BK Imthiyaz, honorary president of the street vendors' association and a CITU leader, asked SDPI workers to leave. When they didn’t, he addressed the police through the microphone, asking them to remove SDPI workers from the protest, and said, “We do not need the support of SDPI. We oppose all forms of communalism.” This video went viral, sparking a war of words between the SDPI and progressive thinkers on social media.

SDPI officials clarified, “An office-bearer of the street vendors’ association had asked for SDPI's support for the protest, which is why our workers participated.”

But the communists denied this and said that the CITU had not reached out to SDPI for support. “Maybe some vendors asked for their support. Anyone is welcome to support the protest, but not with their party flag. Allowing them to hold up their flag at the protest implies that we accept their ideology. So we asked them to leave. If the SDPI genuinely intended to support street vendors, they could have joined the protest without bringing their flag. But by holding up their flag, they intended to disrupt the protest,” one communist leader said.

Following this incident, tensions between the communists and the SDPI have escalated. On social media, old incidents involving leaders from both ideologies are being dug up. The SDPI is circulating an old photo in which the DYFI’s former state president, Muneer Katipalla is seen with Pramod Muthalik, the founder and president of Sri Rama Sene. The photo is being shared with the caption, “The communists who are reluctant to associate with SDPI held a press conference with the communal Pramod Muthalik...!”

In reality, the photo is from a panel discussion organised by a journalists’ association.

On February 12, 2011, the Journalists’ Study Centre organised a discussion on Valentine’s Day and Human Rights in Mangaluru. The panellists included Pramod Muthalik, president of Sri Ram Sene; Muneer Katipalla, the then district president of DYFI; Muhammad Kunhi, state president of the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind; and several other leaders. Only journalists were allowed to attend the event. 

At the event, Pramod Muthalik criticised Valentine’s Day and justified attacks on couples. Immediately, Muneer shot back, “Pramod Muthalik will be responsible for any attack on couples this Valentine's Day.” Forced to alter his stance, Pramod Muthalik said, “I do not justify attacks on everyone, but SIMI (Students’ Islamic Movement of India) and KFD members pretend to love Hindu girls for love jihad. They choose Valentine's Day for this purpose, and we will attack such people.”

Muneer continued to challenge Muthalik. “Whether it’s SIMI, KFD, or anyone else, who are you to attack them? Try laying a hand on even one Hindu-Muslim couple on February 14!” Pramod Muthalik was left speechless. There were no attacks, assaults, or disturbances in Mangaluru that Valentine’s Day.

Ironically, communist leader Muneer Katipalla, who opposed Hindutva activists at that event, is now being criticised by the SDPI over a photo from that very event. 

Commenting on these developments, Muneer Katipalla said, “We (communists) do not ally with Hindu communalists. We confront them in the fight against Hindutva. We have never fought alongside SDPI, nor do we plan to oppose them specifically. But the SDPI seems to be itching for a confrontation.”

The confrontation between the SDPI and the communists has also taken a personal turn. CITU leader BK Imthiyaz has alleged that the SDPI is now targeting the hotel run by his family by filing complaints.

This conflict between Muslim communalists and progressives, which has played out over electoral alliances too, has been the most talked-about issue in coastal Karnataka in the past few weeks.

On August 22, 2024, the Congress and SDPI formed an alliance in Bantwal Town Municipal Council to keep the BJP out of power. Muneer criticised the alliance on social media, saying, “Joining hands with one form of communalism to counter another is political suicide. It is unfortunate that they (Congress) are not willing to lose small positions of power to uphold a secular stance. The damage this will cause in the coastal district, which is a laboratory for communalism, will be immense.” Stung by Muneer’s labelling of them as communal, an SDPI leader asked, “Why should communists feel hurt if the BJP is defeated?”

Ironically, the SDPI has even formed an alliance with the BJP in the past. It has done so in the Jokatte, Pavoor, and Talapady gram panchayats in Dakshina Kannada district. But this time around, according to Muneer, the SDPI has reportedly begun secret negotiations with the BJP to gain power in Udupi district’s Kapu Town Municipal Council. Muneer’s critique has enraged SDPI workers, leading to heated debates on social media.

Isolating communalists, both Hindu and Muslim

While this open confrontation is a recent development, the communists’ opposition to  Muslim communalism — which is as strong as their opposition to Hindu communalism — is not a new position. 

During its state convention in 2006 — which Politburo member Brinda Karat also attended — the CPI(M)’s youth wing DYFI passed a resolution against the Karnataka Forum for Dignity (KFD). Even though KFD officials attempted to dissuade DYFI leaders, they were unsuccessful. 

Muslim communalists have run various organisations in the region since the late 1990s. One of the earliest such groups was the Muslim Youth Federation, which was formed by a group of Muslim youth after the communal riots in Surathkal near Mangaluru in 1998. Later, that group began working under the banner of the Karavali Janajagruti Okkuta in Dakshina Kannada, and a group called Friends Foundation functioned in Udupi district. Gradually, all these organisations disappeared, and only one — KFD — remained. The KFD eventually morphed into the Popular Front of India (PFI). After the Union government banned PFI in 2023, only the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI) remains active as it is a political party.

While the SDPI is doing its utmost to carve a presence for itself among Muslims and become their representative, several protest movements led by Muneer Katipalla and other communist leaders in Dakshina Kannada district in the last few years have kept the SDPI at bay politically and ideologically. 

Among these, the seven-year battle against the Surathkal Toll gate on National Highway 66, was something of a historic struggle. Not only did the protest movement achieve its goals, it also successfully isolated both the BJP and the SDPI. 

The Surathkal toll plaza was illegal and had collected crores of rupees as toll charges. Angry locals, led by the communists, staged many protests. The struggle concluded on December 1, 2022, with the Union government announcing that it would shut down the toll plaza permanently. The movement saw participation from locals and all groups and associations, except for the BJP and SDPI. The SDPI was upset about being excluded from this historic struggle.

Muneer also helped residents of Jokatte village set up a citizens’ committee to fight against pollution caused by MRPL. At the time, the BJP and SDPI were in alliance in the Jokatte Gram Panchayat. This situation too led to a conflict between the communists and SDPI. When five contract workers died in Mangalore Special Economic Zone, the SDPI and the communists simultaneously launched separate struggles. However, due to support for the communists' struggle, a compensation of Rs 15 lakh was awarded to each of the victims’ families.

On November 27, 2017, the DYFI launched a protest demanding the arrest of those responsible for the murder of a 24-year-old youth named Safwan near Surathkal, near Mangaluru. Although the accused were eventually arrested, DYFI leader BK Imthiyaz alleged that the SDPI was behind the murder.

During Muneer Katipalla’s tenure as the state president of the DYFI, the youth organisation held a Muslim Youth Convention to address the communalism propagated by Hindu organisations and to draw attention to how Hindu majoritarianism had led to the growth of radical Muslim organisations. The DYFI pointed out that due to the misdeeds of some youth associated with these radical groups, the entire Muslim community was being viewed with suspicion. This growing mistrust had resulted in police atrocities and numerous cases of human rights violations against Muslims. The convention aimed to discuss and strategize on the path that Muslim youth should take in the face of such attacks on their rights.

The Muslim Youth Convention received widespread support from the Muslim community. The News Minute had published a special report and interview on the event titled Why CPI(M) is planning a Muslim convention in coastal Karnataka.

“Communalism among minorities is as dangerous as majoritarian communalism. We must oppose majoritarian communalism because it will always have the backing of the state. But communalism of the minorities must also be resisted because it will further increase the minority community’s hardship and isolation. The SDPI is communal and believes in ‘an eye for an eye’. It too orchestrates riots, murders, and “moral policing”. The proper response to the RSS is not murder and violence but measured acts based on secularism. That’s why we need to oppose the SDPI,” Muneer says.

The growing influence of the communist movement within the Muslim community is a cause of concern for the SDPI which relied on the Muslim population for its political sustenance. But the CPI(M)’s initiative in organising the Muslim convention along with all the other initiatives through the years, has helped nudge Muslims in the coastal regions towards progressive movements. The convention successfully conveyed the message that Muslim communalism is not the answer to Hindu communalism, and the response to majoritarian communalism should be a secular movement.

This shift has alarmed the SDPI, as it poses a challenge to its influence over the Muslim community.

The debate in the coastal regions has now shifted to a crucial question: Which organisations should the Muslim community and the oppressed choose to confront communalism and dominance? Should they rely on religion-based organisations or secular ones? This discussion has come to the forefront through the recent protests by the street vendors’ association.

An undercurrent of conflict between the communists and the SDPI has been simmering below the surface in various aspects of life in the coastal region. The recent street vendors’ protest has brought that simmering tension between communalists and progressives to the boil. Now, progressive people are fighting both Hindu communalism and the SDPI.

Naveen Soorinje is a senior Kannada journalist. This piece was translated by Anisha Sheth.