“You can keep an areca nut on your hip but what if it grows into a tree.” Sadique Ali Shihab Thangal, the state president of the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), quipped the popular Malayalam proverb while commenting on the recent phenomenon of political leaders in Kerala quitting their favourite camps, raising banners of revolt. While the question put to him was specific to the exit of P Sarin, the digital media head of the Congress who quit the party over the candidature of Rahul Mamkoottathil in Palakkad, Thangal said this was true for PV Anvar too.
Anvar, a ruling front MLA from Nilambur in north Kerala, was for long a darling of Left cyber cadres and a hardcore loyalist of Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, whom he considered a father figure. Despite not being a member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)], Anvar, an independent legislator and a controversial businessman, endeared himself to the cadres as their daring stormtrooper on social media. The applause from the Left-wing gallery was loud as he took down opponents through vitriolic posts on Facebook and television bytes, even dragging them into court cases.
But everything changed on August 30, 2024 when Anvar released the audio of a taped phone conversation with Sujith Das, a Superintendent of Police, in which the officer made several allegations against MR Ajitkumar, an Additional Director General of Police (ADGP) in charge of law and order, and P Sasi, the political secretary of the Chief Minister. By the last week of September, Anvar emerged as the most fierce critic of Pinarayi Vijayan.
Anvar was initially guarded in his criticism. But once he knew that party would bury his grievances against Sasi and Ajitkumar, he went hammer and tongs against the Pinarayi dispensation. Almost every allegation the Opposition had raised against the Chief Minister found new currency through Anvar’s mouth. He did not even spare Mohammed Riyas, Pinarayi’s son-in-law, and accused the party of having struck deals with the Rashtriya SwayamSevak Sangh (RSS), whom they are ideologically opposed to.
By the first week of October, Anvar launched a political outfit of his own - the Democratic Movement of Kerala, with an acronym similar to the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in Tamil Nadu. The CPI(M)’s not so subtle interventions ensured that the support Anvar had from two other Left-inclined Muslim politicians KT Jaleel and Karat Razak was cut. Stalin-led DMK chose to look away, though Anvar took the proposal of a possible tie-up to them. But the CPI(M) was in panic mode as Anvar’s diatribe found resonance with their cadres. It was also driving a wedge between the Muslim community and the party, which had carefully nurtured a pro-minority image by resisting Hindutva’s advances. The recent statements made by Left leaders including the CM also contributed to the perception.
“My crime was that I was communist who prays five times a day,” he said.
What made Anvar, a Pinarayi fanboy, turn into his political bete noire? Can the disaffections he engineered through his allegations damage the CPI(M)’s electoral prospects in the long term? There are still no answers to these questions though both the CPI(M) and Anvar have announced severing of all political ties.
To decode the magnitude of the rift one needs to understand a bit of electoral history and the CPI(M)’s poll-time strategies to gatecrash Muslim League bastions of north Kerala.
The Left Democratic Front began testing Muslim independent candidates in Malappuram district, a stronghold of the Indian Union Muslim League, in 1996 when they fielded Manjalamkuzhi Ali, a known film producer, against KPA Majeed of the League in Mankada. Majeed won narrowly but five years later in 2001, Ali wrested the seat from him.
In 2006, Ali continued the winning streak defeating IUML's Dr MK Muneer, another heavy weight. It was the year CPI(M) expanded the political strategy of fielding disgruntled leaders from IUML to more north Kerala constituencies. Leaders like KT Jaleel, PTA Rahim and Karat Razak all became part of these experiments. It brought rich dividends for the CPI(M) in constituencies like Koduvally, erstwhile Kuttippuram, Kunnamangalam, Tanur, Thavannur and Nilambur, from where Anvar won twice in 2016 and 2021.
In 2010, Manjalamkuzhi Ali announced his exit from the LDF fold, accusing the CPI(M) leaders of insulting him. His exit was however less dramatic than that of Anvar but the trajectories are similar. Ali later won elections in 2016 and 2021 as an IUML candidate.
In 2016, when the LDF decided to field Anvar against Aryadan Shoukkath in Nilambur, a seat held by his father Aryadan Mohammed since 1987, many doubted his chances. Anvar had previously contested as an independent in Ernad and the 2014 Wayanad Lok Sabha polls, with limited success. Yet, he won Nilambur by over 11,500 votes—a victory the Left hadn’t achieved in three decades.
Anvar's political potential first surfaced in 2011 when he contested in Ernad, securing 41.47% of votes. Muslim League’s PK Basheer won the seat with a 51.29% vote share, while the CPI candidate managed only 2.36% votes.
Although Anvar secured only 4.1% votes in Wayanad in 2014, he received 37,123 votes, around 10,000 from Nilambur alone—exceeding Aryadan Mohammed’s margin. “That’s when we requested the Nilambur seat in 2016,” says Ismayil Eranjikkal, a longtime colleague of Anvar and currently a Janata Dal (Secular) national committee member.
CPI(M)’s Malappuram District Secretary Mohandas says it was Anvar who approached them. “The party decided to support him because he had the backing of his family's network and families of his employees. Considering his potential to attract votes beyond party circles, we decided to give him a chance,” said Mohandas, CPI(M)’s Malappuram District Secretary.
Anvar had money but also a rich political legacy. The Puthen Veettil family he was born into, had close ties to the Indian National Congress during the freedom struggle. Anvar’s father Shoukath Ali was an AICC member close to Jawaharlal Nehru. A KSU activist and Union chairman during his college days, and later a vice-president of the Youth Congress in Malappuram, he chose to break away from the Congress in 2005 to join the short-lived Democratic Indira Congress (Karunakaran), with K Muraleedharan as the leader.
That Anvar was a fast learner was known when he tactfully addressed a question by the media on his ministership soon after his election in 2016. “Hankering after ministership is Congress culture,” he said, adding he would stick to the assigned task of taking care of the constituency, which he did.
Business was in his blood but Anvar wasn’t averse to spending the money he made to help people around him. “He uses his own money and personal connections to help people. He would also intervene in matters that affect ordinary people and speak up for them,” says Ismayil. This willingness to help people around is what made him popular.
One of Anvar’s earliest ventures was PeeVeeaaR Crushers. He is also said to have partnered in a super market in West Asia in early days.
But his business interests soon ran into conflict with his identity as a Left front legislator when irregularities were found at PVR Nature Resort, a theme park promoted by him at Kakkadampoyil in Koodaranji panchayat, considered to be an ecologically sensitive area. In August 2017, the Pollution Control Board (PCB) withdrew the sanction it had granted to the park, as it failed to comply with the waste management guidelines.
In 2018, the park allegedly tried to keep under wraps a landslide that occurred near one of the check dams. Though the park got a clean chit from the District Collector, a legal battle ensued which lasted five years. In between Anvar sold his stake in the resort to Shafeek Alungal. In February 2023, the Kerala High Court ordered demolition of four illegally constructed check dams in the property. The directives were never followed despite several directives allegedly because of the influence he wielded as a ruling front MLA.
Another serious allegation against Anvar was landholding above the permissible limit. According to the Kerala Land Reforms Act of 1963, a family of five members can own a maximum of 20 acres.
VK Shaji, coordinator of National Right to Information, doggedly pursued the case after electoral affidavits revealed the extent of his land ownership. A petition alleged that Anvar owned 226.8 acres of land, more than ten times the permissible limit. Avwar later blamed it on a clerical error.
In 2017, district collectors of Kozhikode and Malappuram submitted reports on the excess land. The State Land Board, based on these reports, directed the Tamarassery Taluk Land Board to take steps to recover the excess land but no files moved for three years. Shaji then moved the Kerala High Court, which asked the board, in March 2021, to complete the process in six months. There were more delays leading to filing of contempt petitions.
On January 13, 2022, the HC granted five more months to the land board. “No enquiry was held though the board registered a case. Our organisation collected documents related to 56 acres of land and submitted them to the land board, which said the amount of excess land was only 6.25 acres of excess land. However no action was taken against him,” says Shaji.
An investigative report by OnManorama in July 2023 showed Anvar brought down his landholdings to 21.20 acres from 27.05 acres, mentioned in his 2019 affidavit. Since Anvar has two wives, and four children from one of them, it is now legally possible for them to own more than 20 acres of land.
Anvar told TNM he did not want to comment on the allegations.
Those who have filed complaints against Anvar allege that his influence significantly contributes to delays in the legal process. One of the cases relates to the murder of Palliparamban Manaf, an autorickshaw driver in 1995, in which Anvar was the second accused. He was later acquitted by a trial court but an appeal against it is pending in the High Court.
Manaf was killed in the Othayi market on April 13, 1995, a day after Anvar’s relative had an altercation with his kin and a group, allegedly including Anvar, attacked his family members. But the police could arrest the prime accused in the case, Malankadan Shafeeq, Anvar's nephew, only 25 years after the incident in 2020. Another nephew of Anvar, Malangadan Sharif, is the third accused. Anvar's father, PV Shoukathali, the seventh accused, passed away before the charge-sheet was submitted. The incident that led to his murder resulted from an altercation between kin of Anvar and Manaf on April 12, 1995.
“We don’t know who did it or what exactly happened but Anvar was present in the group which attacked Manaf’s family members. His brothers are witnesses,” Aboobakkar, Manaf’s uncle, told TNM.
“The prosecutor was not at all supportive. We don’t know whether it is because of influence or not,” Aboobakkar said.
TNM asked Anvar about allegations against him related to Manaf’s murder but he refused to comment.
In 2017, Salim Naduthodi, a native of Pathrakadavu in Malappuram, had filed a cheating case against Anvar. He had allegedly offered him a 10% share in a crusher unit in Karnataka’s Belthangady. Salim reportedly paid Rs 50 lakh to Anvar in 2011 as part of the deal but the business was allegedly non-existent.
Manjeri police registered an FIR on December 21, 2017, and booked Anvar under section 420 (cheating and dishonestly) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC). Salam later filed a complaint with ED in 2022, leading to a probe. Salim says the police dragged the feet on the case. “They did everything possible to delay the case. It happened because of Anvar’s influence,” alleges Salim.
There were also allegations of attempted land grab against him in Nilambur and Edathala near Aluva. Murugesh Narendran, husband of Jaya Murugesh, told TNM that the case related to landgrab of Regal Estate in Nilambur, filed in 2016, is still under consideration by the court. Murugesh was also a complainant in the cases related to the resort in Kakkadampoyil. “I have filed 54 cases against him, but nothing has progressed further,” he said.
But none of these allegations affected Anvar’s popularity.
In 2021, Anvar’s absence from Nilambur constituency in crucial months ahead of the polls gave rise to several speculations on his whereabouts, including imprisonment in an African country for alleged financial fraud. The Youth Congress even filed a police complaint prank requesting to trace the MLA. The official page of the President of Ghana was flooded with requests to release him from the prison there, all of them intended to make fun of him. It ended only after he appeared on Facebook live wearing black coolers and a matching fedora hat stating he was in Sierra Leone for mining business. He also spoke about the losses he suffered in business during the Covid time.
He was given a rousing reception on his return. The electors gave him a second mandate.
It was in August 2024 that Anvar first began firing salvos against his targets in the state police force. On August 20, when the district meet of the Kerala Police Association was being held in Malappuram, Anvar lashed out at the district police chief S Sasidharan, IPS. On August 30, he staged a sit-in strike in front of the SP's official residence, demanding a Crime Branch investigation against the cutting of trees from the camp office. He also leaked a purported phone conversation between him and Sujith Das, a former district police chief, in which the officer made several insinuations and allegations against MR Ajit Kumar, (ADGP, Law and Order).
Anvar initially gave the impression that his target was Ajit Kumar, who along with Sujith Das led a crackdown on gold smuggling through the Calicut airport. Anvar alleged that the officers ran a crackdown operation intercepting gold carriers outside the Karipur International Airport, only to misappropriate a significant portion of it. He accused the ADGP of sabotaging several high-profile cases of political significance and helping Shajan Skariah, editor of Marunadan Malayali, evade arrest in a case related to alleged hacking of police wireless messages. Anvar also alleged Ajith Kumar was constructing an expensive mansion in a prime area near Kowdiar Palace in Thiruvananthapuram, questioning the source of funds for such a project.
But more than Sujith Das’ tirade against the ADGP, the real bombshell was another name he dropped during the leaked phone call released by Anvar: P Sasi, the political secretary of Pinarayi Vijayan and one of the most powerful persons in the government. Sujith Das was heard levelling several allegations against Sasi, who is close to Pinarayi Vijayan, including the power he wields over the Home department.
Though Anvar was silent on Sasi initially, he later released a copy of his complaint letter to CPI(M) state secretary MV Govindan accusing Sasi of having links to gold smuggling through Karipur airport, misbehaving with women who visited CM's office, and amassing money through settling disputes. Allowing Sasi to continue in the state would defame the party and the CM, he said.
Though the CPI(M)-led government acted against some police officers including SP Sujith Das and shunted out Ajit Kumar from his post, Sasi, who had the support of Chief Minister was left untouched.
On September 26, nearly a week after Pinarayi Vijayan brushed away Anvar's allegations, defended the police and insinuated that he was hand in glove with gold smugglers, Anvar said the CM, whom he trusted like a father, had cheated him. He also called him a total failure and alleged that he was being controlled by a coterie. He also announced quitting from the CPI(M)s parliamentary party.
Speaking to TNM, a CPI(M) leader from the Malabar region acknowledged that some of his allegations were true but that they are unclear about his intentions.
In the first week of September 2024, when Anvar was leading a tirade against the ADGP and CM's political secretary P Sasi, he received open endorsement from Porali Shaji, a Facebook page of Left cyber warriors. "Anvar might not be a party member, but those who love the party will nevertheless call you a comrade," said the post. It was widely seen as a reflection of the sentiments of party cadres who were critical of the party’s policies but could not voice them openly.
It wasn’t the first time Anvar was receiving such support. He was already a darling of the cyber comrades as a cheerleader of Pinarayi Vijayan who would take on the party’s opponents on social media. In July 2023, Anvar had opened a war front against persons linked to digital media houses often deeply critical of the Pinarayi Vijayan government. While the party itself showed reticence in openly criticising them or taking action against alleged fake news, as desired by cyber comrades, Anvar challenged them by giving chest numbers and threatened to shut them down.
His first target was Shajan Skaria, editor of Marunadan Malayali portal and YouTube Channel. He also ran campaigns against Karma News, a portal accused of blackmailing business houses, journalist ‘Crime’ Nandakumar, Sunil Mathew of i2i News. He also targeted VD Satheesan, Leader of Opposition in Kerala.
Anvar, though only an MLA representing a constituency in north Kerala, was trying to establish himself as a ‘mass’ leader of the Left, in a way no other politician in the party could.
The CPI(M), of late has become wary of the cyber groups like Porali Shaji, whose admins stay anonymous, as the party has no official control over them. The pages have large fan-followings and could damage the interests of the party by influencing cadres. Several leaders including MV Govindan and MV Jayarajan have spoken out against these groups.
Anvar currently has directorship in three private companies - Pee Vee Aar Developers (Manjeri), Pee Vees Realtors India and Greens India Infrastructure, in which he is the Managing Director. He is also a designated partner of the BIS Manjeri LLP, incorporated in 2022, which runs the Benchmark International School.
However, when TNM asked Anvar about his businesses, he said he owns nothing now. Since 2021, Anvar had been claiming that his businesses suffered losses, allegedly because of false cases filed against these entities.
His electoral affidavits show his taxable income reducing over the years. In 2015-16, the fiscal year before Anvar was elected for the first time, he had an annual income of Rs 59.37 lakh. In 2016-17, it came down to Rs 40.59 lakh and in 2017-18 to Rs 26.03 lakh. In 2018-19 it dwindled to Rs 10.85 lakh, touching Rs 3.98 lakh in 2019-20.
But interestingly his assets were growing. Anvar had declared assets worth Rs 8.24 crore in 2011. In 2016 it grew to Rs 14.38 crore. By 2021, it grew by more than five-fold to Rs 64.14 crore. His last electoral affidavit also shows a liability of Rs 17.06 crore. The appreciation of his land assets could be one reason behind the growth in value of assets.
One of the most serious allegations Anvar raised against police officials was that they benefited from the seized gold, mostly in altered form, during extraction. The police action against gold smuggling had touched a raw nerve of customs officers in Karipur since it was seen as their inefficiency. A letter written by All India Central Inspectors Association had pointed to the allegation. When TNM earlier investigated these claims we found that gold extracted from the paste form was above 90% in 64 cases and between 85%-90% in 6 cases. This was a good value according to an analyst.
Read: In Kerala, customs and cops are on a collision course over gold smuggling
Though Anvar stated he had evidence, the Chief Minister, while dismissing these allegations, asked him not to glorify smugglers. Anwar turned against the CM after his insinuation that he may have links with such rackets.
While none of Anvar's businesses are linked to gold, Cheriyakath Mohammed Najeeb a director in two of the companies in which he has stake - Pee Vees Realtors India Pvt Ltd and Greens India Infrastructure, is a director in Meralda Jewels Private Limited, incorporated in July 2018. In 2021, Anvar had claimed that his business project in Sierra Leone involves gold and diamond mining with an investment of Rs 20,000 crore, which could provide jobs to 25,000 people. He also promised jobs for 6,000 Keralites. Anvar told TNM that his venture was a failure and that’s why he could not deliver on the promise.
Anvar’s decision to establish his own political party, the Democratic Movement of Kerala, in October 2024, suggests an ambition to leverage his base before the state heads to the polls in 2026.
In the long term, Anvar’s departure and public criticisms could strain the CPI(M)’s electoral foothold, especially if his influence persists among party supporters who are critical of the government. Whether this will lead to a significant electoral impact remains uncertain.
Though Anvar withdrew his decision to field a candidate in Palakkad Assembly constituency, the presence of an independent candidate with his support in Chelakkara, which went to polls on November 13, has unnerved both the LDF and the UDF.