The recent passage of the Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Eighth Amendment) Bill, 2023, during a special parliamentary session, heralding 33% reservation for women in state legislatures and Parliament, has stirred a mix of hope and scepticism. While no political party openly opposes the idea of women's representation in these governing bodies, questions linger regarding the timing and motives behind the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government's sudden push for a Bill that lay dormant for nine years.
Undoubtedly, India's women constitute half of the population, yet their presence in Parliament remains startlingly low, barely touching 20%. The marginal increase in the number of women MPs in the Lok Sabha, from 11.6% in 2014 to 14.6% in 2019 (resulting in 79 women MPs in 2019, up from 63), underscores the pressing need for a concrete solution to rectify this glaring gender imbalance. Many contend that reservation is the most fitting course of action.
However, the path to implementing this reservation is fraught with complexities, primarily concerning the stance of the INDIA alliance. Parties such as the Samajwadi Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), and Janata Dal (U) insist that if reservations are to be granted to women, an internal quota should extend to Other Backward Class (OBC) women. They express concerns that without such provisions, upper-caste women may dominate the women's quota. Interestingly, this viewpoint even finds support within the BJP, as leaders like Uma Bharati emphasise this point.
In 2009, when the Women's Reservation Bill was referred to the Parliamentary Standing Committee, various parties shared their views. Tamil Nadu-based parties, including Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK), and Makkal Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (MDMDK), insisted on internal reservation for Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), OBCs, and minority women within the women's reservation framework. They also advocated for extending reservations to women in Rajya Sabha and state Legislative Councils.
In their written submissions, the RJD has emphasised the need for a comprehensive approach to women's reservation, advocating a proportionate quota for OBCs, minorities (including Muslims, Christians, and others), and Dalits (SC/ST) alongside the reservation for women, ensuring equitable representation based on their population within the country.
Similarly, the Samajwadi Party, in their written statement, has called for the inclusion of quotas for OBC and Muslim women within the reservation framework.
In contrast, the Bharatiya Janata Party, as articulated in their memorandum, firmly opposes the concept of a "Quota within quota," explicitly rejecting this demand.
During their testimony before the Committee, representatives of the CPI(M) expressed their disagreement with extending this reservation facility to OBCs, citing the absence of a Constitutional provision for such reservation. They also highlighted the absence of a provision for the reservation of minorities. They urged the Committee to prioritise achieving adequate representation for women in Parliament and state legislative Assemblies without further delay, leaving other related matters for future consideration.
If the Women's Reservation Act passes and comes into effect, it would see 192 Lok Sabha seats reserved for women across India, including 32 for SCs and 20 for STs. In Tamil Nadu, out of the 39 constituencies, 13 would be reserved for women, including two presently reserved seats and 11 general constituencies.
Amid these developments, scepticism abounds concerning the BJP government's true intentions. Critics question how those who opposed Dr BR Ambedkar's Hindu Code Bill to empower women and continue to suppress women in the name of tradition have suddenly embraced democracy. The answer lies within the Bill itself.
The Bill stipulates that the reservation will only come into effect after delimitation exercises based on the first census following the commencement of the Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-eighth Amendment) Act, 2023, with effects lasting for fifteen years. However, the BJP government has suspended the 2021 census, and the next one may not occur until 2031, with data released in 2035. Consequently, delimitation and seat reservations for women would likely only take place in the 2039 general elections. This translates to another 16 years of waiting for women—a delay that raises significant concerns.
Curiously, the Bill presented by the BJP government closely mirrors the one introduced by the Congress government in 2010 and passed in the Rajya Sabha. Notably, it lacks provisions for internal reservation for OBCs and minorities, the expansion of reservations to upper houses, and the removal of the 15-year term limit.
In conclusion, the current Women's Reservation Bill has ignited discussions about women's political empowerment, but it also raises valid concerns about its timing, intent, and the urgency of its enactment. Given the experiences of past political promises, this Bill leaves many citizens pondering whether it signifies genuine progress or yet another political deception.
Dr D Ravikumar is a Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) representing Villupuram constituency in Tamil Nadu.