The socio-political and economic landscape of Telangana state reveals a pronounced asymmetry in the representation of its largest religious minority, the Muslims. Despite constituting a significant 12.68% of the population per the 2011 census, the Muslim community confronts challenges in integrating into contemporary society.
Following the incorporation of Hyderabad into the Indian union subsequent to the Police Action of 1948 and the dissolution of Nizam's rule, the representation of Muslims in governmental positions experienced a notable decline, plummeting to 5% in 2010 from nearly 40% in 1950. This decline can be attributed, in part, to the removal of Urdu's official language status. The lack of representation is also visible in political engagement, with only seven members of the current Assembly belonging to the All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), despite the community's demographic percentage requiring at least 15 MLAs. AIMIM was adamantly opposed to the idea of a separate state, fearing the spread of Sangh Parivar and Hindutva beliefs within the new state.
There is a dearth of social research aimed at comprehensively understanding the repercussions of bifurcation on the Muslim community in Telangana. One of the studies holds the formation of a new state responsible for the increased communal polarisation between religious groups, Hindus and Muslims particularly. The author adds that dominant Hindu voices interpret the Muslim community's aspirations for socio-economic advantages and political representation as aggressive re-assertions.
The community's linguistic, cultural, and ethnic distinction should not serve as grounds for marginalisation, particularly given its substantial presence, notably comprising 43.5% of the current Hyderabad district. The intra-community wealth inequality presents a pressing concern for state representatives, amplifying the unfulfilled promises made during elections following Telangana's formation.
Muslims wield significant influence in electoral outcomes, particularly in Ranga Reddy, Mahbubnagar, Nalgonda, Medak, Nizamabad, and Karimnagar districts, influencing results in at least 40% of constituencies. Muslim voters often face a challenging decision between supporting the Congress or the Bharatiya Rashtra Samithi (BRS), a dilemma underscored during recent Assembly elections. The unfulfilled promise by the KCR government to increase Muslim reservation from 4% to 12% has contributed to dissatisfaction among voters, as articulated in the "Muslim Declaration 2023" released by the Telangana Muslim Joint Action Committee (TSMJAC).
A Commission of Inquiry, headed by retired IAS officer G Sudhir, alongside economist Amir Ullah Khan and Professor Abdul Shaban, was established in 2016 by the Telangana government to investigate the socio-economic conditions of the Muslim community. It highlighted the under-representation of Muslims in the bureaucracy and their limited participation in economic and social platforms. The commission observed that across the Telangana government's 23 departments, the representation of Muslim employees stood at approximately 7.36%, which starkly contrasts with the community's population of around 13%. The Commission's proposals include policy initiatives and schemes for community inclusion in areas such as education, health, financial inclusion, entrepreneurship, and credit availability. It also advised the government to include a 'Sub-plan' for Muslims in the state budget to guarantee that all departments provide appropriate funds for Muslim welfare and to prevent funds from being diverted to other departments.
Muslim backwardness and demand for reservation
In the context of India's profound social, cultural, economic, linguistic, and political divisions, there arises a necessity for "preferential treatment" or "positive discrimination" to address historical injustices related to caste discrimination and to ensure equitable representation of each community in proportion to its population. Dr BR Ambedkar, chairing the Constituent Assembly, underscored the imperative of achieving social, political, and economic democracy. Although the Indian Constitution delineates reservations along caste lines, it also incorporates special provisions for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes through Articles 15 and 16. This issue has been extensively deliberated in the Supreme Court, notably in the Mandal judgement of 1990.
Under these provisions, socially and educationally backward classes within the Muslim community are eligible for suitable reservations, fostering ongoing debate and discussion within legal and social spheres. Research initiatives and commissions like the Social, Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India (commonly referred to as the Sachar Committee) and the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities (also known as the Ranganath Misra Commission), alongside various reports, have advocated for reservations for Muslims in professional and educational institutions, highlighting their socio-economic backwardness. According to the evidence and findings, as well as the recommendations of the Mandal Commission, 84 out of the 172 Muslim castes have been included in the central OBC list, entitling them to a portion of the 27% reservation allocated for communities listed in the OBC category.
One would deceive oneself to presume that caste remains exclusive to the Hindu community in India, devoid of presence among religious minorities such as Muslims, Christians, and Sikhs. The census commissioner of 1931, JH Hutton, observed that “caste is in the air” in India, and neither Muslims nor Christians leave/cannot leave their caste behind, even if converted away from Hindu faith. Imtiaz Ahmed, author of Caste and Social Stratification among Muslims in India and a prominent Indian sociologist, has written significantly about the existence of caste or caste-like groups among Muslims in India, contrary to the egalitarian belief that the faith delivers. He has commented that while Indian Muslims admit the existence of caste or caste-like groupings among them, they are highly ambivalent on the subject of caste among Muslims. Biradaris, or caste-like groupings, are usually used as a substitute for the terminology of “caste.”
Anthropologist Ghaus Ansari has argued that Muslims in India were divided into three broad categories: Ashraf (nobleborn), Ajlaf (mean and lowly), and Arzal (excluded), where Ajlafs and Arzals mainly constitute the lower and middle caste communities who converted to Islam. The century-old Pasmanda Movement has opposed the notion of Muslims being a monolithic community in India, which has been emphasised rigorously by Ali Anwer, former Rajya Sabha MP and the founder of the Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz. The demand for reservation for Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians under the Scheduled Castes category is still echoing the walls of the Parliament and state assemblies.
The 4% reservation in Telugu-land
A report titled "Identification of Socially and Educationally Backward Classes in the Muslim Community of Andhra Pradesh and Recommendations," commissioned by the Andhra Pradesh government in 2007, acknowledged the presence of "caste and caste-like communities" within the Muslim population. Prepared by a former IAS officer, PS Krishnan, the report identified 14 specific communities of Backward Classes (BC) among Muslims, a significant expansion from the previous recognition of only two social groups in the state's BC list. This updated report, encompassing 16 communities, accounted for 75% to 80% of the Muslim population in the state.
Upon the recommendation of 4% reservation for Muslim BCs, categorised as Group-E of BCs, the state government consulted with the Andhra Pradesh Commission for Backward Classes (APCBC) and implemented the provision. This initiative resulted in a notable increase in the participation of the Muslim community in higher education institutions, with almost 27,000 boys and girls from Muslim BCs getting admitted to medical and other professional courses institutions of higher education, and four young women have been recruited to Class I services from the separate Group-E of the list.
Similar provisions were extended to the Telangana state post-bifurcation. However, criticism persists from various quarters, branding it "unconstitutional" and "illegal." Former Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrashekar Rao, in 2014, pledged to raise the reservation from 4% to 12% but failed to fulfil this promise during his two terms. This issue prominently featured in the "Muslim Declaration" document presented by TSMJAC in 2023.
Backwardness, inaccessibility
A 2018 study examined the living conditions of Muslim communities residing in slums within the Old City of Hyderabad, with a particular focus on livelihood opportunities and the status of women. Surveying 2,354 households across 19 slums inhabited by both Muslims and Hindus, it identified various institutional deficiencies that contribute to the gap between development needs and existing policies. The majority of Muslims surveyed resided in kuccha houses and were predominantly employed in the informal sector, either through self-employment or subcontract work.
The barriers and threats encountered by Muslims in pursuing their livelihoods are compounded by a lack of political bargaining power. There were only eight Muslim MLAs out of 119 Assembly constituencies during the TRS-led tenures from 2014-2018 and 2018-2023, with a solitary MLA from TRS and the remaining seven from AIMIM. The current Congress-led Assembly exhibits a similar pattern with seven MLAs, all from AIMIM.
The education and literacy levels among the Muslims in Telangana are notably low, with 16% of individuals from the community having never attended any educational institution, a figure that is in parallel with the Scheduled Tribes at 17%. Drop-out rates among the Muslim community are high, with a disparity among the genders. According to data, the percentage of male dropouts in the age groups of 18–20 and 21–29 is 31.6% and 81.5%, respectively. For females, the corresponding figures were 71.5% and 52.8%. Financial strain, job-seeking behaviour, and understaffed secondary schools could be the root causes of the high dropout rate. Their fundamental rights, as stated in Article 21A of the Constitution, are violated by the inaccessibility of education.
The communal polarisation witnessed after the Police Action in 1948 has intensified with the establishment of Telangana. Political leaders, particularly from the BJP, leverage these sentiments to consolidate Hindu votes. For instance, BJP MP Hema Malini equated voting for Muslim candidates in Telangana with supporting Pakistan, while refraining from doing so was portrayed as advocating for India. Hyderabad people have been subjected to hostility because of their Muslim background, with the Nizams being vilified as despots because of their feudal past and a selective historical appropriation motivated solely by political gain. Were there any monarchs who weren't feudal in the monarchical era?
Way forward
The deficiency in political representation directly impacts the community's security and treatment in various societal domains, including workplaces and educational institutions. Enhanced political participation promises long-term positive outcomes for the Muslim populace. The political groups and parties must take proactive measures to nominate Muslim candidates, especially in constituencies with sizable Muslim populations, such as Bodhan and Mahabubnagar. An examination of the post-bifurcation scenario in Telangana reflects a pattern similar to that observed in greater Andhra Pradesh within the broader context of the nation after achieving independence from the British. However, notable differences include heightened communal polarisation among religious groups and unfulfilled governmental commitments.
Inadequate formal education and the resulting awareness deficits are reflected in high levels of illiteracy and dropout rates. Addressing these educational gaps through vocational and formal training might enhance employment opportunities and lessen intergenerational poverty. There is a need for meticulous data analysis across critical indicators such as healthcare access, infrastructure, and education to discern developmental gaps and policy implementation shortcomings.
Addressing the issue of reservation for socially and educationally backward Muslim segments in accordance with constitutional provisions and recommendations from relevant reports remains crucial. The current 4% reservation allocation under the OBC Group-E classification is deemed inadequate and necessitates an adjustment proportional to the population size. There is a need for reserved constituencies for Muslims, akin to those designated for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Reservations in higher educational institutions and in the political arena are essential to address low participation rates and inadequate representation.
Rather than viewing the status of Telangana Muslims in isolation, it must be contextualised within the broader framework of contemporary political economy and political sociology of the country, India (aka Bharat). The current trend of saffronisation and the broader narrative of an "Arsh Bharat" seek to recalibrate societal norms by purportedly purifying civilisation through the decolonisation and "de-Mughalisation" of historical narratives.
These endeavours pose a threat to the social fabric and democratic values of the nation, with the Muslim community bearing the brunt of stigmatisation and vilification. Addressing the "Muslim question" in Telangana necessitates a comprehensive examination of the multifaceted factors shaping the larger political agenda and their implications for societal cohesion and democratic ideals.
Ablaz Mohammed Schemnad is a Research Associate at the Centre for Development Policy and Practice, Hyderabad. His research interests are migration policies, mobility studies, labour market relations, political economy of caste, class, and religion, geo-economics, and geopolitics. Views expressed here are the author’s own.