The Namma Kambala event, held in Bengaluru on November 25 and 26, is a grand celebration of the traditional Kambala buffalo race, believed to be a folk sport rooted in Karnataka’s coastal region of Tulu Nadu. But despite its claims of inclusivity, the reality is that Kambala as a sport has never represented the entirety of the coastal community. Rather, as evidenced by its history, Kambala can be better categorised as a sport of the feudal community, which in turn makes the Bengaluru Kambala event a glorified testament to Karnataka’s deep feudal legacy.
In the past, certain practices such as the ‘Ajalu’ system were prevalent as part of Kambala celebrations, where people of the Koraga community, a local tribe, were made to run on the bare fields where the buffalo race is held. In addition, during a ritual called ‘pani kullunu’, Koraga men were also made to perform sexually degrading acts. These systems are not in place anymore, at least by law, but it has to be noted that the eradication of such caste and gender atrocities was not solely the result of social reform or a sudden leap of conscience. Rather, amends were made primarily out of fear of the Constitution and the law.
The Bengaluru event has already triggered outrage on several fronts, which included concerns surrounding some of the guests invited to the event. BJP Member of Parliament (MP) Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, accused of sexual harassment by six women wrestlers, was among the guests invited to felicitate local wrestlers at the event. So was Shyam Kishore Garikapati, a former aide of the infamous Dawood Ibrahim. After outrage, their names were dropped from the guest list.
Even so, a cursory glance at the invitation letter still would show you a long list of dominant caste people. A large number of Bunts and Brahmins have filled the dozens of committees for the event. Not a single Dalit or Koraga leader has been made the head of any sub-committee. Isn't this testament to the caste inequality that remains the reality of Kambala even today? Isn’t this a reflection of Kambala’s feudalism?
Kambala cannot be viewed in isolation as just a sport. At present, the Koraga community, comprising only a few thousand individuals, continues to experience severe malnutrition and witnesses tragic deaths at birth because of it. Can we overlook how the feudal practices associated with Kambala must have affected the social and economic life of the Koragas, until as recently as five to ten years ago?
On page 35 of his 1990 book ‘Karavali Janapada’, Jawaharlal Nehru University professor Purushottama Bilimale writes in detail, as an eyewitness, about how the Koragas were treated during Kambala events. “As the night wears on, the speed of the Koragas’ dance increases, and slowly sexual activities begin. They first embrace each other, and then begin to strip one another of their clothes. At this stage, many are completely naked. Some are minimally clothed (with only a loincloth). Someone might dress as a girl, and the rest of the men would climb on top of him. In the events I witnessed, the Koraga women were mere spectators to this men’s activity, and not involved in them. Some older and younger men stood engrossed in the homosexual acts unfolding before them, while others masturbated to it. Those who ejaculated wiped or washed it (semen) off with the water from Kambala field. The entire dance and the group’s movements mimicked the actions that take place during sexual intercourse,” he writes.
On page 37 of the same book, Purushottama Bilimale says that as the night breaks into day, the Koragas slow down their dance and head towards the Kambala field. “Once there, they form groups of three. Two members of the group kneel down and imitate the posture of buffaloes. The third member ties a rope around the necks of the two kneeling people and acts as the Kambala runner. These mock trials are performed by Koragas to imitate the real Kambala, where buffaloes run on the fields with Kambala runners. The Koraga man who acts as the Kambala runner shouts, while bystanders scream at the men donning the role of the buffaloes. After reaching the finishing line, the ‘buffaloes’ snort and the bystanders beat them with sticks, just like in the real Kambala. By now it is well into the morning, and tens of thousands of people would have gathered to watch the Koragas race. This mock race, which takes place on the Kambala fields for about an hour, isn’t considered an important part of Kambala.”
The irony is that Purushottama Bilimale, who is a scholar of folklore and cultural studies, justifies this atrocity and the degrading cultural norms designed for Dalit and Adivasi bodies. On page 46 and 47, he writes, “Sexual activities need no elaborate definition. The manner in which it takes place reveals its (metaphorical) meaning. It is a reconciliation of the desire for creation expressed through sexual intercourse, and the fertility of the field expressed through the sowing or weeding of the field. The practice of human intercourse on fields before sowing is not just confined to Tulu Nadu, but is a common occurrence across the world. It is a ritual. What is important to us in Tulunadu is to ask why the Koragas engage in this work. Though it is difficult to give an appropriate answer, we can say that this practice explains the relationship of Koragas with the land. Koragas, who work as servants of the landlords, become participants in these types of practices as they directly involve themselves in the methods of production. It is special that they have the strength to participate in fertility rituals. On the morning of Kambala, lemons are provided to the Koragas to complement the fertility ritual.”
To the researcher, Kambala’s relegation or reduction of Koragas to a showcase of sexual activity appears to be a fertility ritual, and not caste violence. It is ironic that such a noted intellectual and researcher believes a starving community wields such power.
Purushottama Bilimale also justifies the practice of making Koragas run as buffaloes on the field. But in reality, this practice was implemented as a mechanism to check if there were any glass pieces or stones on the field. Koragas are made to proactively run ahead of the buffaloes, to ensure that these animals belonging to the Bunts do not encounter stones or glass during the race. This means that under the feudal caste system, the Koragas are even inferior to the buffaloes owned by the feudal lords.
But Purushottama writes, “The practice of Koragas pretending to be konas (buffaloes) on the morning of Kambala is believed to be entertainment. But it was never about entertainment alone, it is to ward off evil eyes from the field. Only after the field is freed and secured in this manner would the buffaloes owned by the landowners step on the Kambala field. Here, the reason why Koragas have the power to transform into buffaloes must have to do with their relationship with nature. They also have the power to provide security. In other parts of Tulu Nadu, if the children of people of different castes get sick, they pass it on to Koragas. Since Koragas have the power to absorb any disease, they make the Kambala field safe.” Nowhere in his research does he mention this as caste violence.
It is for this reason that we should question sports like Kambala. It’s the hunters who weave the narrative, and the feudal castes will continue to record the history of their authority through events such as these. Karavali's feudal castes have now shifted Kambala to the capital only to convey the social, political, and economic history to the world, and to send the message that they continue to assert their dominance.
Naveen Soorinje is a senior Kannada journalist and co-founder of the Journalists’ Study Centre. This piece was translated by Shivani Kava. Views expressed here are the author’s own.