September 17 is a day of multiple celebrations in India. It marks the birth anniversary of two prominent figures. The first one is Periyar EV Ramasamy who is known as the father of the Dravidian movement. He was an atheist and the biggest Dravidian icon, remembered for his contributions to the Indian Independence movement. He also founded the self respect movement and the Dravidar Kazhagam. The second one is Lord Vishwakarma, the Hindu deity of artisans, craftsmanship, and sculptors. In honour of Vishwakarma, on September 17, 2023, Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched the PM Vishwakarma Yojana at the newly inaugurated Yashobhoomi Convention Centre in Delhi.
The work done by artisans and craftsmen is mainly associated with the castes of the Other Backward Classes (OBC) particularly Most Backward Castes (MBC) or Extremely Backward Castes (EBC). The Bharatiya Janata Party invited artisans and craftsmen to participate in the launch of the Vishwakarma Scheme in order to establish direct connection with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who hails from an OBC caste of Gujarat. During the launch of the Vishwakarma Yojana, PM Modi referred to himself as the son of the poor, which was a way of establishing a personal connection with these communities.
This scheme is designed to provide financial and institutional assistance to artisan and crafts communities of India. It has identified 18 professions of artisans and craftsmen, including carpentry, boat making, armour making, blacksmithing, hammer and tool kit making, locksmithing, goldsmithing, pottery, sculpture, stone carving, shoemaking, masonry, basket and mat weaving, coir weaving, doll and toy making, barbering, garland making, laundry services, tailoring, and fishing net making.
A total of 140 castes are covered under the Vishwakarma Scheme. The artisans and craftsmen primarily belong to the Most Backward Castes (lower strata of OBC). All these professions have historically been related to specific castes. In the years after globalisation, other castes too have joined these professions. Some work designated for MBCs in the past are also done by many Dalits. For example, the Dalit community works as masons and tailors. The BJP wants to take advantage of the MBC castes by formally associating them with their newly launched scheme. In the first phase, 30 lakh artisan and craftsman families will benefit from this scheme. These 30 lakh families are a huge vote bank who can play the role of the silent voter in the upcoming elections. The Vishwakarma Scheme will be used to counter the narratives favouring caste-based census and reservation.
The Modi government has recently given the new identity of Vishwakarma Sathi to skilled artisans and craftsmen. This new identity is derived from the Hindu deity Vishwakarma. The Modi government will officially recognise these workers as Vishwakarma Sathi by issuing them PM Vishwakarma certificates and identity cards. This move by the BJP has wider implications as it incorporates these castes within their Hindutva ideology across caste and religious lines. The beneficiaries of this scheme will be from any caste and religion. The BJP has constructed this new identity for these workers to assimilate them within their Hindutva ideological framework. The scheme is part of the strategy of the Modi government to counter Dravidian politics and the social justice parties of India.
Several Dravidian leaders have voiced their criticism of the scheme. They argue that by providing economic support to artisans and craftsmen, the government is essentially creating a platform that will encourage individuals to become more engaged in their respective caste-based professions. According to these leaders, this scheme will have a negative impact on the overall movement toward the annihilation of caste and the pursuit of social justice, as it is likely to strengthen caste-based occupations. This, in turn, will prevent these communities from being able to fully integrate into mainstream society. In essence, the Dravidian leaders believe that this scheme is counterproductive to the larger goal of creating an equitable and just society for all.
The BJP-led Union government told the Supreme Court on August 28 that only the Union government has the authority to conduct a census. The government was replying to the court on the matter of the caste-based survey undertaken by the Bihar government. The BJP is not in favour of the caste-based census, while the INDIA alliance and social justice parties in the country are now raising their voices in favour of the same caste census. The main objective of the caste census is to ensure that reservation in education and employment is granted on the basis of the size of the caste populations. The Bihar government released the caste census on October 2, ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha election. This will be a major issue in the upcoming Lok Sabha election. The Congress party too is playing the political card. In 2011, the second United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government led by the Congress had conducted a caste-based census. However, the data of OBC communities was not released by the UPA government.
Both Bihar and Tamil Nadu have been at the centre of the social justice movement. In 1970, the OBCs of Bihar got reservations under the leadership of Karpoori Thakur before the Mandal Movement. In Bihar, OBC is divided into two sub-categories — Other Backward Castes (OBC) and Extremely Backward Castes (EBC). Bihar has a sub-quota of 18% for EBCs within the OBC quota that was first implemented by Karpoori Thakur in 1970, who belongs to an EBC caste. Currently, Bihar has 18% reservation in employment for EBCs and 12% for Backward Class.
In Tamil Nadu, there is a total of 69% reservation implemented since 1990. In 1989, then chief minister Karunanidhi created the MBC category. The MBC quota, which falls within the 50% Backward Class reservation, was fixed at 20%. Backward Classes have 26.5%, Most Backward Classes 20%, Backward Class Muslims 3.5%, Scheduled Castes 18%, and 1% for Scheduled Tribes.
The Chief Minister of Rajasthan Ashok Gehlot recently formed a committee whose main objective is to identify the most disadvantaged castes within the OBC and provide them with a 6% additional reservation. This move is aimed at securing the support of EBC voters. It is worth noting that Rajasthan already has a 21% reservation for Backward Classes, and the additional 6% will be a significant boost for these communities.
Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Bhuepsh Baghel hiked the OBC quota from 14 % to 27% in the state after coming to power but the High Court cancelled it. The same thing happened in Madhya Pradesh where former CM Kamalnath increased the OBC quota from 14 % to 27% but the High Court abolished it there also.
The Jharkhand government led by Hemant Soren on September 15, 2022 hiked the reservations of different communities including MBC. Scheduled Tribes were increased to 28% from 26%, OBC to 27% from 14% and Scheduled Castes to 12% from 10%. Where OBC is divided into two parts EBC and MBC, OBC castes get 12% and EBC gets 15 % reservations.
In Haryana, there is an OBC category divided into three parts — BC (A), BC(B) and BC(C). The reservation system for various categories under the Backward Classes in this region is as follows: For BC (A), there is a reservation of 11% for the first and second classes, while the third and fourth classes have a reservation of 16%. BC (B) has a reservation of 6% for the first and second classes and 11% for the third and fourth classes. Similarly, for BC (C), there is a reservation of 6% for the first and second classes and 10% for the third and fourth classes.
In 2014, the Manohar Parrikar-led BJP government of Goa also increased the reservation for OBCs from 19.5% to 27%, after conducting a caste census in the state. In West Bengal, OBC category is divided into two parts, 10% reservation for the Other Backward Classes (Category A) and 7% reservation for the Other Backward Classes (Category B) are implemented. Demand for separate reservations for the Extremely Backward Classes is continuously rising in the country.
Several schemes implemented by the Modi government have proven to be effective in securing votes. Such schemes include the PM Awas Yojana, PM Ujjwala Yojana, PM Kisan Nidhi Yojana, the construction of toilets under the Swachh Bharat Mission, and the distribution of free rations during the COVID pandemic. The Labharthi Varg, or the beneficiary class, is a crucial vote bank for political parties in India. This type of voting behaviour can sway election results on a large scale. Welfare politics and government schemes hold a significant place in the electoral outcome. In the 2019 Lok Sabha election, the Labharthi sections voted for the BJP, which helped the party secure a majority at the national level again.
The Labharthi voters cross religious and caste lines while voting. Similarly, through the Vishwakarma Scheme, the BJP aims to appeal not just to Hindu voters, but also to the Pasmanda Muslims involved in craftsmanship and artisanry. In Indian politics, Labharthi voters prioritise individual benefits over those of the community. The scheme is expected to help the BJP gain significant support from the artisan and craftsmen communities in the upcoming elections. The move blends a new cultural majoritarianism with welfare populism politics, introducing a new brand of Labharthi politics.
The importance of the lower OBC vote bank in the Indian elections cannot be overstated. According to the Lokniti CSDS data, in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, BJP garnered 34% of the OBC vote bank, while the Congress only managed to secure 15% of the vote share of OBCs. Interestingly, regional parties received the highest vote share of OBCs at 43%. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the Congress secured only 15% of the OBC vote bank, while regional parties received 27% vote share, a reduction of 16% compared to the previous election. The BJP, on the other hand, managed to secure 44% of the OBC votes and was able to form the government at the Union.
Data from CSDS Lokniti reveal that the BJP is getting more votes from the lower OBCs compared to the dominant castes of OBC. In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, 43% of lower OBCs voted for the BJP, while the whole OBC community voted for the party at 34%. Because of the votes of the OBCs, especially lower OBCs, BJP won the majority twice in a row. In the 2014 Lok Sabha election, 30% of the upper OBCs voted for the BJP, while the lower OBCs voted for the BJP at 43%, that is, 13% more. This means that lower OBCs voted 9% more compared to dominant OBC castes. The trend continued in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections where upper OBCs voted for the BJP at 41%, while lower OBCs voted at 48%, a difference of 7%. It is important to note that within the OBC population, lower OBCs make up the majority. According to the caste census data of Bihar, upper OBCs constitute 27% of the population, while lower OBCs constitute 36% of the population. This trend is almost the same all over the country. Thus, it is evident that the votes of the OBCs, especially the lower OBCs, have been instrumental in the BJP's continuous majority in the centre.
The Liberalisation-Privatisation-Globalisation (LPG) reforms and Mandal Commission came about in the same era. The implementation of LPG led to the collapse of lower castes’ businesses, particularly those of MBC groups. Notably, the EBC are not landowners. With the implementation of LPG in the country and the advent of modernity, many people from these professions have left their traditional employment and started looking for other jobs. The search for a job led many to migrate. As a result, EBC leaders have been demanding the distribution of reservations among MBCs within OBCs for a long time. In such a situation, MBCs do not have their own strong voice. Due to fewer resources, it is a bit difficult for them to establish their politics. Despite being numerically small, the MBC castes hold significant voting power when voting in the clusters. The BJP is keen on securing the votes of these influential groups. Prominent leaders such as Om Prakash Rajbhar and Sanjay Nishad, who are currently aligned with the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance in Uttar Pradesh, have been vocal about separate reservations for MBC within the OBC bloc.
During the 2011 census, the Congress party conducted surveys for the Backward Classes but chose not to release the data. However, the party is now actively advocating for a caste census, with the INDIA alliance openly raising this issue in an apparent effort to build nationwide appeal. The focus of their efforts is on securing the OBC votes in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. While the caste census has already been completed in Bihar, the Samajwadi Party-led PDA alliance (Pichhda Dalit Alpsankhyak) is continuously demanding a caste census. While some parties within the INDIA alliance openly advocate for a caste census, the Trinamool Congress and Aam Aadmi Party have not yet clarified their stance on the issue. In a way, the coordination of the Opposition alliance seems weak in public. Recently, the Modi government introduced a Bill in Parliament, proposing 33% reserved seats for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies. Although there are reserved seats for SC/ST women in the already existing SC/ST reserved constituencies, there is no reservation for women of OBCs. The INDIA alliance has demanded reservation for OBC women through a quota within the quota. Meanwhile, there is a growing demand for OBC reservations in proportion to their population.
The Congress party too has come forward demanding a caste census, with Rahul Gandhi saying that Congress will conduct caste census in the states in which the party is ruling. However, doubts about whether the party is merely playing the political card arises from the fact that the results of Karnataka’s caste census conducted in 2016 by the then Congress government is yet to be released.
During the second term of the Union government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, there have been 27 appointments from various backward communities in the Union Cabinet. The ruling BJP has widely publicised this figure in an attempt to portray their commitment towards the upliftment of these communities. The appointment of the 27 ministers was meant to draw a parallel with the 27% reservation provided by the government to these communities, thus presenting the image of being a proponent of the Mandal movement and following the same formula for running the government.
Despite this, it is evident that the BJP’s portrayal of social justice is a hoax, as they do not act on genuine issues concerning OBCs. The party promotes caste leaders within the organisation by giving them tickets in the elections, with a view to secure OBC votes. In its report, the Rohini Commission observed that MBCs have not benefited from reservation as much as they should have. Through a host of welfare schemes, the BJP hopes to secure OBC votes, particularly that of MBCs. All it wants is to ensure the votes of that class and portray Narendra Modi as a champion of social justice. If the BJP is truly committed to the welfare of OBCs, especially the MBCs, they should implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission and Rohini Commission.
The stance of the BJP remains unclear — it neither supports nor opposes the idea of a caste census. It appears that the BJP is not in favour of it, but due to the importance of the Backward Class vote bank, the party is unable to oppose it. Neither BJP’s Backward Class leaders, nor Prime Minister Narendra Modi are speaking openly on this issue. The Modi government implemented lateral entry in bureaucracy but did not implement reservation for SC/ST and OBC categories. It is the bureaucracy that holds power and not small businesses. Despite the government's attempts to implement reservations for Dalits and Backward Classes, it appears to have failed in filling the backlog seats of SC/ST/OBC, bringing to light the inadequacy in the policy's implementation.
News of the fulfilment of Economically Weaker Section quotas and the allocation of additional seats for them is continuously reported, while proper reservation for SC/ST/OBC in the government sector remains untouched by the BJP government. As elections to five state Assemblies this year and the Lok Sabha elections next year draw close, both the BJP and the INDIA bloc are vying for OBC votes.
The power structure is still dominated by dominant castes, while the disadvantaged communities remain underrepresented in the government, bureaucracy, and the judiciary. Implementing reservation in institutions like the bureaucracy and the judiciary is crucial for ensuring effective and equitable representation of all communities in the country's governance.
Krishna Mohan Lal is a PhD scholar at the Centre for Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. Views expressed are the author’s own.